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Liberals and libertarians are the champions of individual rights and freedoms and question the legitimacy of collective and group rights.
The latter are defended by Communitarians, Socialists and Social Democrats. Having said this, care should be taken to avoid generalizations, since we find various shades of thoughts within each school of thought.
This is why it is important to examine the formulations used by each writer before passing judgment on the democratic formulas defended by each school of thought.
It is simply for purposes of simplifying this complex debate that this paper has chosen to divide them between two camps, namely those who defend normative individualism and those who are behind collectivism.
The thought of Ayn Rand, one of the most celebrated libertarians, can be used as an example of how many defenders of normative individualism think.
This rejection of community led Rand to question the role of government in promoting the wider interests of the society or in protecting marginalized groups.
She strongly resented the use of tax revenues to provide benefits under the pretext of promoting the right to work, health services and standards of living.
As far as she was concerned:. There are Liberals who seek to give democracy substantive meaning by accepting the importance of promoting some collective interests of the community.
Will Kymlicka also moves the compass of liberalism closer to what matters for the marginalized and the common good. However, this does not go far enough to the recognition of collective life or groups.
Communitarians are not shy when it comes to defending communities, their interests and the role of governments. They dismiss Liberalism as a misleading ideology because it distorts who the self is and how social relations work.
The reality which Communitarians recognize acknowledges the presence of social bonds, values and loyalty to family, relatives, neighbors, friends and co-workers.
Liberalism, according to Walzer, denies all this as if the individual exists in a vacuum and as if there is no community, no Jews, blacks, Catholics, religious organizations, etc.
These social forces enrich the self, endowing it both with morality and roles and responsibilities. The self emerges in the real world, according to Crowley, from a social context, as a byproduct of complex processes of nurturing, training, relationships and attachment.
This contextual self-awareness comes with social roles and social responsibilities which are linked to religious, cultural, national, professional and other requirements.
This is why when the individual describes himself he brings others in the picture by stating:.
Hence what is good for me has to be the good for one who inhabits these roles. As such, I inherit from the past of my family, my city, my tribe, my nation, a variety of debts, inheritances, rightful expectations and obligations.
This description reflects ways of life that exist in many developing countries. These kinds of identifications sometimes bestow social benefits or disadvantages depending on the reputation of the person or family whose name is used.
This approach to the understanding of the self reveals the interactive and reflective nature of the individual. Of these, democracy is clearly the most favored system.
However, how democracy should be understood concretely and applied in practice remains a puzzle because the point of departure for deciding how society should be organized differs depending on how the human being is perceived.
That democracy should permit people to choose their government is not in dispute. The dividing line is on what kinds of rights, freedoms and obligations the individual should have and how these should be aligned to the interests of community.
Except in times of hardship, such as, during periods of war, political chaos or confinement in jails or hospitals , the human being in this part of the world is social.
Even in times of extreme poverty or economic deprivation, which tests the limits of human loyalty, individuals remain attached to one another emotionally, socially and in many other ways.
Although the political models of governance recommended by Hobbes, Libertarians and Liberals are different, they are united in their affirmation of the individualistic nature of the human being.
Where the latter two currents of thought differ from Hobbes is in their rejection of his characterization of human beings as evil by nature.
They, therefore, come to different conclusions regarding the extent to which individuals deserve to exercise what are regarded as natural rights and freedoms.
For Libertarians and Liberals there should be no hindrance to the exercise of civil and political rights by individuals. What is more, these rights should even be prioritized over the interests of the community.
As far as they are concerned, a community is nothing more than the sum of its members, which means that the community or social groups cannot have distinct interests and rights.
This is why they advocate reducing the role of governments and their influence over community matters and reject the idea of protecting marginalized social groups.
This political model, which prioritizes the rights of individuals over the needs of the community and rejects the idea that government should have a role in responding to these needs, blocks the possibilities of achieving democracy in substance.
Less governance, by definition, means less care for the collective needs and problems of the governed. What the electoral system assures is only democracy in form, a means of legitimizing the power.
This right to choose the ruler was justified by Hobbes because he believed that the individual has natural rights , i.
However, since this person is assumed to be, by nature, egocentric, competitive and violent, Hobbes recommended surrendering these natural rights in the interest of the peace and interests of community life.
One should note, in this regard, that Hobbes expected the ruler to govern by observing the mandates given by the governed — namely to protect the interests and safety of the community.
What is problematic in the Hobbesian formula is the assumption that people would choose to surrender their rights and freedoms and willingly submit to suffering under a tyrannical rule.
Liberal and Libertarian democracies are products of the historical evolution of Western European societies and those states which were established outside Europe by the descendants of Europeans.
Liberal democracy is a political system which mirrors the nature of the prevailing social relations and which evolved from the requirements of the socio-economic and political structures of the industrialized capitalist states.
It attaches special importance to the freedoms and values of the individual citizen and applies social contract theory as a means of legitimizing governance through regular elections.
This constitutes a system of government of the people , hence democracy in form. The exercise of individual rights and freedoms opens the doors for empowerment from below , and governance by the people.
However, since minorities are not able to participate effectively in the political machinery or to benefit from the economic wealth of these countries in the same way as the members of the majorities, the system has serious weaknesses.
However, in reality , this is possible only if states are politically and economically strong and able or willing to meet the needs of their citizens, including that of the marginalized members of the vulnerable groups.
Otherwise, the latter will be unwilling to abandon their loyalty to their traditional identities and social structures since they are the basis for their survival.
Whether this Western model of normative individualism works in the developing countries as it does in the West is an open question.
Even in the more economically developed urban settings of these countries, social relations have a collective dimension.
Unlike in the West, the governments on these continents are not politically or economically strong enough, to care for their citizens, with the exception of mineral exporting countries like the Gulf countries or the few industrialized Asian countries.
The fact that the developing countries have a heterogenous social base, in contrast to the homogenous nature of the nation-states of Europe, also calls into question the idea of rule of the majority which underpins democracy in Europe.
This model of majority rule, that is characteristic of Liberal or Libertarian democracy, is appreciated by the members of the majorities since the political system adopts their ethnic, linguistic or religious characteristics.
It is those who belong to the ethnic or linguistic or religious minorities who fear marginalization and discrimination based on their identities.
It is no wonder, therefore, that the system can even tolerate and protect the exercise of individual rights and freedoms that are directed against ethnic, linguistic or religious minorities.
This is also why when the racist, Nazi and Fascist groups mobilize the members of the majorities against the minorities they do it under the pretext of nationalism, by even describing themselves democrats.
For many of the African and Asian countries who have over one hundred smaller distinct ethnic, religious or cultural groups e.
In most of these countries, the official languages used in the government offices, courts, schools, hospitals, employment areas, etc.
By virtue of their numerical size these majorities can effectively dominate the other groups economically, politically, culturally, socially and in other respects.
The fear of being dominated by other social groups, as well as the desire to protect and promote their own traditional collective interests, leads individual in these kinds of societies to think of their own narrower social groups rather than with the nation when the right to votes is exercised.
Africans interact on a more communal basis. The other reason which makes normative individualism less attractive in countries that are not as economically developed as Western countries is that it is associated with calls to limit the role and authority of government in societal matters.
People in countries with diverse social groups who suffer from neglect, deprivation and discrimination need centralized government policies and measures to provide assistance, for example, by expanding the infrastructure and providing education, health services, housing facilities and the like.
This means government for the people. However, this is the exact opposite of what normative individualism calls for, particularly as inspired by the Randian political model.
Under this formula an unemployed person is given the option of accepting or rejecting an offer of employment. A person who is discriminated against in the field of employment, education or health has nowhere to turn to because the government is discouraged from responding to these kinds of social and economic problems.
A citizen who is bankrupted after being forced to sell his home to pay for medical treatment for family member or who becomes disabled or ill due to conditions at work should not count on help from the government since the rights to health and a decent standard of living are not recognized.
The individual merits no support as a citizen since the government has no authority to respond to such problems. Those private individuals who try to help by providing support are ridiculed since altruism is considered as foolishness.
This model is surely unacceptable in developing countries. Concerned by the loophole in human rights which normative individualism has created, some Liberals, such as Jack Donnelly, Will Kymlicka, John Rawls and those who appreciate the virtues of Utilitarianism offer different kinds of remedies in the interest of social justice.
Jack Donnelly endorses economic and social rights but not group rights, except indigenous rights. Kymlicka accepts group rights including minority rights.
Both these positions deviate from normative individualism. Embracing Utilitarian ideas also creates obvious tension with the Liberal and Libertarian ways of thinking, whose very premise, at least as formulated in the thoughts of John Locke, Immanuel Kant and Jean Jacque Rousseau is the defense of natural rights.
According to Jeremy Bentham, the father of Utilitarianism and positivism, the notion of natural rights is nonsense because it is fabricated based on passions.
This is why Utilitarianism maintains that if a right is worth its name it should have utility. The collectivist schools of thoughts, such as, Communitarianism, Socialism and Social-Democracy embark from a solid base which considers the self as a by-product of the community and the defense of the collective interests.
Regarding the self as a by-product of the community leads to the idea of empowering communities. However, this creates tension inside multi-ethnic and multi-national societies, and may even lead to the disintegration of their states, as occurred in the former U.
R, the Yugoslav Federation and Czechoslovakia. The challenge is to develop political models which extend democracy to the people of the state, as a whole, while protecting the interests of communities.
The weaknesses of this theory include i the rejection of the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the individuals, ii the use of the top-down approaches of governance by elitists central committees to dictate on the people, and iii the assumption that all sociological nations should have the right to create their own political nations.
We have seen, time and again, how opposition can be silenced by being condemned as anti-social, reactionary, counter-revolutionary.
The other problem with the Marxism model is its defense of national self-determination. The application of this theory would lead to the disintegration of multi-national states such as Russia, Spain and the United Kingdom as well as most African and Asian countries, as has already occurred in the former U.
Moreover, this is likely to encourage smaller social groups, such as, indigenous groups, tribes, and religious and linguistic communities to also struggle either for separation or for some kind of autonomy, thereby further disrupting the fabric of national unity.
Social democracy has navigated between these contrasting positions of Marxism, Communitarianism and Liberalism. It accepts the social nature of mankind and rejects the notion of political emancipation through proletariat revolution.
The electoral system and multi-party system are embraced as the best means of protecting individual rights and freedoms.
The interests of the broader community are promoted in two ways. This political model has been used for decades and continues to dominate politics in the Nordic countries, such as Sweden.
This model tolerates the existence of rival political parties, such as Liberals, Leftists, extreme Right-wing parties and Christian Democrats.
While the Social Democratic Party of Sweden is not as powerful as it used to be it is still the strongest of all the parties, and the dominance of social democratic ideas is such that even the rival parties do not dare to openly call for dismantling of the social benefits which Social Democracy has brought about.
Interestingly, because Social Democracy has produced tangible results, the strategy which the populist parties use is to say that immigrants are threat to the nation and looting what is collected from the taxpayer.
The American and French revolutions created shock-waves among despotic leaders near and far and inspired hope among the victims of oppression.
The leaders of the uprisings in European colonies of Central and South America took advantage of the occupation of Portugal and Spain by Napoleon to struggle for independence and start out on a new, democratic way of life.
The louder and wider the drums of revolution, popular sovereignty and self-determination echoed, the more colonialism and despotism lost ground in the American hemisphere.
European despots too were left with a choice between peaceful change and bloody uprisings. Not surprisingly, constitutional proclamations upholding popular sovereignty started to make appearances in many places, even if what was promised and proclaimed was not always delivered.
Article 49 of the May 17, constitution of the newly established state of Norway promised Norwegian citizens that the new order would place the legislative power in hands of their parliament the Storting.
All public power originates in the people and is instituted for their benefit. This is not, by any means, to suggest that democratic governments were established everywhere or that the states which purported to be democratic were acting democratically.
The point is made merely to underscore that popular sovereignty was increasingly invoked and formally acknowledged in the American hemisphere and in Europe including in Russia where a Communist form of governance had been proclaimed.
The enjoyment of effective democracy, however, had to wait for several decades until the required institutions were fully developed and the citizens including women were empowered to exercise their democratic rights.
The intention behind this proposal was mainly to legitimize of the contours of the new political borders of Europe.
This was to be done by asking some of the inhabitants of the frontier areas to choose between the bordering states they preferred to belong to.
Speaking before the U. The principle of self-determination was applied in a restricted way. The other innovative political development which occurred at this time was the establishment of the Mandate system.
The manner in which this obligation was discharged was supervised by the League of Nations. The Mandates and Roles of the UN. More relevant to the present era is how the notion of democracy was developed by the United Nations as a legal concept of universal validity.
This development came about after a long and twisted process of negotiations and international political cooperation.
The mandates for being concerned with this subject-matter were enshrined in the UN Charter as purposes of this organization.
According to Article 1 paragraph 3 they include the promotion of respect for human rights and finding solutions to international economic and social problems.
Paragraph 2 of this same provision obliges the UN to promote the equal rights and self-determination of peoples as the basis for friendly relations among nations.
Even if the word democracy is not explicitly mentioned in these provisions, it is obvious that the realization of these goals would further the process of democratization.
Before explaining the road-map used by the UN to promote democratic values, it is important to remember two things. Firstly, the UN does not have the power to adopt legally binding decisions, other than those that concern international peace and security.
This is why its guidelines on the promotion of democracy are merely guidelines, unless they are embodied in legally binding instruments which are ratified by states.
Example of this includes the right to take part in government which is recognized in article 25 of the international covenant on civil and political rights.
Secondly, when it comes to the kinds of political systems which best promote democracy, the view of this organization is that it does not endorse any particular model.
Whether this is stated merely for the sake of politeness to respect the Charter principle of state sovereignty, it is up to the reader to decide. What is equally obvious is that the UN is urging states to conduct themselves in accordance with the Human Rights-Based Approach, which suggests that this approach is the only acceptable method of promoting and measuring democracy in the absence of other acceptable apporaches.
These two approaches are closely intertwined. Ignoring one or the other leads to a distorted understanding of how democracy, as a concept, is perceived by the UN.
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In addition, many hospitals and health care systems have continuing education requirements for physicians they employ or contract with.
The result is that most Colorado doctors probably have to demonstrate some ongoing knowledge growth at some point.
She feels strongly about that. In August, she wrote to the state medical board, asking its 16 members to consider allowing a CME requirement for physicians not already required to complete additional courses.
In her letter, Parry pointed out that rules for CME courses have been tightened in recent decades, in an effort to prevent influence by commercial interests like drug and medical device companies that tainted courses in the past.
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